It’s revolution or death
Part 1: Short Term Investments
[video]
[Text overlaid on video]
subMedia and Peter Gelderloos present
It’s revolution or death
Part 1: Short Term Investments
Things aren’t like they used to be.
[Voiceover]
I mean, aside from a few wingnuts, people recognize that things are bad, climate change is real.
They’re doing something about it.
Yes.
Those in power are taking it seriously.
Every year, green investment and green energy production have been growing.
Thanks to proactive initiatives by politicians and policy makers around the world, and conscientious investment by major funds and companies like Blackrock, BP, and Tesla.
Every year the Conference of the Parties holds a summit to define the next steps needed to reach a carbon neutral economy and meet the goals set in the Paris Agreement of not exceeding 1.5C of global warming.
Global investment in clean energy grew to $1.7 trillion in 2023, the highest level yet.
From 2010 to 2021 renewable energy production in the US has doubled.
In 2022, the major economies of the world made renewed commitments to green energy.
The US government passed the Inflation Reduction Act, leading to $110 billion in private investments in clean energy manufacturing in one year alone, as well as a 52% increase in the sale of electric vehicles.
China added 160 Gigawatts of capacity to its renewable energy production, and the European Union added 50 Gigawatts to its capacity in wind and solar photovoltaic energy.
So things are getting better, right?
Right?
Well, carbon emissions grew in 2023, breaking a new record Methane, an even more potent greenhouse gas, also increased at a near record rate.
Greenhouse gas emissions have been growing almost every year ever since the Industrial Revolution began in the 1800s.
C02 emissions today are six times what they were in 1950.
There is now 50% more CO2 in the planet’s atmosphere, and 130% more methane than there was before the capitalist factory system took off.
No serious institution that actually engages with the scientific data around climate change is denying the fact that greenhouse gas emissions are rising.
No government agencies, not the IPCC, not the UN.
But they are doing their best to hide it.
On its page about the importance of renewable energy, the International Energy Agency talks as though carbon emissions are dropping year after year, in tandem with the increase in green energy.
They do their best to hide that they are actually talking about hypothetical models, which year after year fail to match the data in the real world.
When these institutions do reluctantly acknowledge the bad news, it’s to say we need more green energy production, more investment in renewables, more electric vehicles.
The pattern that everyone is hellbent on erasing is actually pretty simple.
Green energy is increasing, and carbon emissions are increasing, hand in hand.
Green energy might not be effective at stopping the climate crisis, but it sure is great for making money.
Tesla’s return for investors between 2019 and 2023 was 1073%.
Investments in solar panel manufacturer First Solar gave a five year cumulative return of 272%.
Meanwhile, carbon capture technology that has won much fanfare as a potential tech fix to the crisis has proven immensely profitable -for gas and oil drilling operations.
Oil companies, manufacturers, and tech companies are all investing billions of dollars in renewable energy production, but that’s not something to celebrate.
It’s just a strategy to clean up their image.
These are not institutions we can trust.
For example, in 2023, when profit margins for wind energy decreased, BP drastically scaled back its investments in green energy, increasing its oil and gas profiles again, whereas companies like Siemens and GE decreased their production of wind turbines and other infrastructure.
That is the nature of these companies.
Their fundamental purpose, more important than anything else including our lives, the lives of the generations that will follow us, the life of the planet is their legal duty to make money for their shareholders.
An increase in fossil fuel emissions is the only logical, predictable result of an increase in green energy investment, and none of the experts are admitting that.
Anarchists have been trying to warn of this problem for decades, and we’ve been ignored or repressed as terrorists.
Earlier, I alluded to the fact that there have been a few outliers over the last two hundred years when carbon emissions actually decreased.
Without fail, these were years when capitalism slowed down, because of a recession, a world war, or, say, a major pandemic.
Now, imagine a pie.
No, not that kind of pie.
When they talk about fossil fuels vs. renewables, they can rely on commonsense assumptions to manipulate how people are thinking about the problem.
More green energy means less fossil fuel energy, right?
Wrong.
Capitalism is based on growth.
That means the pie keeps getting bigger.
So even if total energy from renewable sources grew to take up half the pie, the remaining half a pie is still ten times bigger than the whole pie was a few decades ago.
Because the global economy keeps growing.
And we’re talking about capitalism here, but state socialism is no solution either.
Both the Soviet Union when it existed, as well as countries like China and Vietnam from their revolutions until today, have accepted the necessity and priority of growth, and that includes a huge degree of ecological devastation and carbon emissions.
That’s why Lenin himself referred to the Soviet economy as state capitalism.
This is a more accurate term for so-called socialist economies, since they’re still extractivist, they’re still growth-based, capital is still more important than health, happiness, or freedom.
Both the socialist and the US-led systems involve state planning.
The only difference is a question of degrees.
The clear cause of global warming is the industrial, growth-based system that has been forced on the entire planet.
But before industrialization, before global capitalism turned to fossil fuels, capitalist growth was a major driver of deforestation and the enclosure of the commons.
Enclosure — turning the land into private property owned and controlled by a wealthy few — impoverished the masses on so many levels.
It stole our ability to feed, house, and clothe ourselves through a sustainable relationship with the ecosystem.
It made us dependent on our exploiters for our very survival.
The enclosure and destruction of the commons criminalized humanity’s connection, our relationship of mutual aid, with the rest of this living planet.
There is no solution to this crisis as long as capitalism is around, because capitalism is the crisis.
But it goes deeper than that.
What’s the common denominator all the mainstream responses to global warming?
All of them preserve the role of the State.
The surge of green investment in the US starting in 2022 casts private companies and entrepreneurs as the protagonists, but it was the federal government that wrote the plan and provides the funding, tax incentives, and regulatory framework.
All states in history have been ecocidal.
They squeezed more and more out of their people and the land until they caused mass starvation, or mass rebellion, or both.
In the past, these ecocides were regional.
For the first time, we have a global state system capable of causing ecocide on a global scale.
It’s not just a climate crisis.
Siloing it like some single issue is just another way for NGOs, governments, and media to control how we understand the problem.
After all, how many of us have a way to measure atmospheric carbon lying around our house?
Now, how many of us can notice changes in the weather, changes in the soil, changes in bird and plant populations around us?
One more: how many of us are invited to these international conferences where they come up with the supposed solutions to the crisis?
And, on the flip-side, how many of us have the ability to participate in movements against borders, for free healthcare and food autonomy, against prisons, for the commons?
The NGOs take in huge amounts of money, greenwash corporations and governments, and the methods they are promoting are a proven failure.
Is it a coincidence that they help the media and the police to demonize us as terrorists, when we’re the ones with the strongest, most realistic responses to this crisis?
The NGOs are a lucrative scam, and part of the scam is silencing any realistic alternative.
This is an ecological crisis.
Intersectional. Entangled.
Overlapping with every aspect of our lives.
Most climate scientists now believe there’s no way we’re going to keep global warming below 1.5C.
And an increase of 1.5C was already causing massive die-offs, extinctions, starvation, huge amounts of suffering.
Realistically, we have to accept that it’s going to be even worse.
But now imagine.
Imagine if everyone came together and helped out, like we did after Hurricane Katrina or the recent floods in the south of Brazil.
What does that look like if there’s no police in our way, no companies trying to profit off it, no governments trying to keep their monopoly on power?
The world is in upheaval.
Huge parts of the planet are burning up, turning to desert, or flooded by hurricanes and rising sea levels.
Humans and other species need to move in order to survive.
Imagine that movement in a network of societies that support migration, that welcome refugees of any place of origin, any species, and help them make a home for themselves.
Now imagine it with borders, policed by violent racists, marked by giant walls that block the natural rhythms of movement that have been occurring forever.
Imagine relying on huge megaprojects and high tech solutions for your survival.
Think about hydropower, the single largest source of green energy in the world.
Already, electricity production from dams has started to drop as drought causes rivers to dry up.
And now wealthy companies are embarking on the largest mining expansion in human history, poisonous mines for cadmium, lithium, cobalt, copper, nickel, mostly on colonized land in Bolivia, Chile, central Africa, Kanaky to get the raw materials for this explosion in green energy and electric vehicles.
Think of the huge swathes of land stolen and covered with solar farms or wind farms.
Not for you, not for me, but to feed this economy, this world-devouring system we’re forced to live in.
Think about the monocrop system of industrial agriculture, that has already started to fail across the world.
This system replaces far more intelligent, sustainable Indigenous food systems that actually enrich the local ecosystem.
Industrial agriculture is based on sucking the earth dry and leaving it barren, it’s based on petrochemicals for fertilizer and it’s based on fossil fuels for all the heavy machinery.
We are going to face hunger, if we aren’t already.
This is a legitimate question of self-defense, because all of us are in danger.
Everyone’s survival is at stake.
The apocalypse isn’t 20 years off, or 10 years off, or 5 years off.
It’s already here.
For some people, it started 500 years ago.
Already, millions of people are dying every year because of this crisis.
Countless species and habitats are disappearing forever.
No matter what we do, this catastrophe will be a central feature of life for the next seven generations of humanity at least.
But if we don’t destroy the sources of this problem and shift towards societies of survival, societies of healing, it will be much, much worse.
So what can we do?
What strategies, what models, are actually realistic?
[Text overlaid on video]
Next: Struggles for an inhabitable future
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It’s revolution or death
Part 2: Heads Up, The Revolution is Already Here
[video]
[Voiceover]
The mainstream solutions to the ecological crisis — investment in industrial scale green energy, United Nations conferences and political promises, carbon capture technologies — are only making the problem worse.
The only thing these remedies are good for is increasing the power of oppressive states, protecting those responsible for threatening the survival of everyone on the planet, and making huge profits for investors.
They teach us to ignore the real roots and the history of the problem, they teach us not to see how all these problems borders, starvation, hurricanes, genocide, pollution, depression, police murders, racism, wildfires, surveillance, desertification, refugee camps, deforestation are integrally connected.
Why do people keep supporting these poisonous reforms?
It’s easy to when you believe that the only alternative is far right climate denialism and the undisputed dominance of big oil.
But we want to let you in on a little secret.
Realistic methods that get to the root of the problem are being put into practice all over the world, and they work.
The revolution has already started.
[Text overlaid on video]
subMedia and Peter Gelderloos present
It’s revolution or death
Part 2: Heads Up, The Revolution is Already Here
[Sleydo speaking]
Hi, my name is Sleydo, Molly Wickham of the Gitumd’en Clan, which is one of the clans of the Wet’suwet’en Nation that has been resisting multiple pipeline projects over the last decade in our territory in so called Canada. We have most recently been resisting the Coastal GasLink pipeline, which spans over 600 kilometers from northeastern British Columbia to the coast to the LNG Canada project, which would export fracked gas over to Asian markets.
The struggle against Coastal GasLink has been largely surrounding the importance of Wedzin Kwa, the main salmon bearing river that our nation and many other nations rely on.
Salmon is a staple food to the Wet’suwet’en and to many Indigenous Nations in our area.
It’s also one of the last clean drinking water sources in our territory.
All of the communities out on our Yintah rely on that water.
So it’s a really sacred responsibility that we have as Cas Yikh and Wet’suwet’en people, for not only the future of all of our generations, but also the nations downriver from us.
The CIRG is the Community Industry Response Group, a specialized unit of police that specifically deals with protecting industrial projects for private industry.
[Dialogue between a CIRG cop and a journalist]
― We’ve been through this every day, every week.
― It gets pretty tiring doesn’t it?
― Right? Yeah.
So I’m getting paid for it.
[Sleydo speaking]
And so, this is fully funded by the province and Canada to repress Indigenous people.
These units are highly specialized and trained, and they’ve also used different tactics that they’ve learned in previous wars around the world to repress any sort of uprisings.
[TV news presenter]
A breakthrough today in those tense talks in BC to settle that pipeline protest and end rail blockades across Canada.
There’s word of proposed arrangement on and rights and title has been reached between Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs and the federal government.
[Text overlaid on video]
In early 2020, a series of protests and blockades were carried out in support of the Wet’suwet’en under the hashtag #ShutDownCanada.
In late February, representatives of the Canadian state met with Wet’suwet’en Heriditary Chiefs.
The result was a Memorandum Of Understanding that recognized Wet’suwet’en title over their territory, but upheld the existing Coastal GasLink permits.
[A politician’s statement]
The injunctions must be obeyed.
The barricades must come down.
[Sleydo speaking]
After shutdown Canada, which was a coordinated effort all across so called Canada by Indigenous Nations and other allies and accomplices, the state brought forward an MOU to sign with the Wet’suwet’en.
But it was really… it was really a tactic to try to remove the blockades.
To try to get everybody to stand down.
To try to encourage and divide Wet’suwet’en people into negotiating some of these projects and some of these issues where we’ve been standing firm for thousands of years.
And in the past decade specifically, with multiple pipelines some of which have come and gone and have never been built.
Coastal GasLink is the first project that actually had so-called success, even though the amount of money that they had to put in was, you know, over double what they had anticipated.
Currently, Coastal GasLink is trying to double the capacity of the pipeline.
And so we always knew that if one pipeline was to get through, then many more would follow.
At one point, there were, you know, over a dozen that were proposed in the north, in the area that we live in.
And so we know that we have to set the precedent.
We have to fight as hard as we can in order to show the government and show the world that these are the things that are worth fighting for.
[Text overlaid on video]
Gitanyow chief Watakhayetsxw
[Watakhayetsxw speaking]
The BC government, federal government…
There will be no trucks on my territory.
You will not destroy our rivers or creeks.
Because I don’t stand on Crown land.
I stand on our land.
And by God, I will defend it.
[Sleydo speaking]
The Gitxsan and the Wet’suwet’en have been ancient allies for thousands of years.
They supported us in our struggle, and now they’re facing the PRGT pipeline, which is owned by TC Energy, the same company that owns Coastal GasLink.
And so we see what is coming.
We’ve seen the state repression.
We’ve seen the fallout of that and the impacts of that, the trauma, the criminalization.
And so we’re able to take those lessons and to share them.
And I think that it’s really important that we stand together and that we continue to fight as hard as we can, so that this does not become the norm.
We have to take a stand and say that we’re not gonna allow for these kinds of things to happen.
We know what the consequences will be Our ancestors have told us stories about what is to come in the future.
And so we know that we have the responsibility to stop, dead in its tracks, the route that we’re on, towards the destruction of our entire planet.
[Isa speaking]
I’m Isa, and, I’m speaking to you from the ZAD of Notre Dame Des Landes, in the west of France, where I’ve been living since 2016.
It’s a large territory.
It’s 4,000 acres of wetland and farmland that could have been destroyed by an international airport project, if there had not been an incredible struggle.
The project was announced in the sixties and was immediately resisted by farmers.
It went into dormancy for a couple of decades, and got taken out of the boxes in the year 2000, where the resistance got immediately reactivated but going beyond just the farmers and extending to local people.
The government started expropriating people to make way for the airport.
And some of the inhabitants of the zone wrote an open letter, where they memorably said, to defend a territory, you need to inhabit it.
And invited people come and squat land and buildings, to be able to resist.
And this is really where the ZAD, which initially is an administrative acronym that means, Zone d’Aménagement Différé, IE, a piece of land that is earmarked for an infrastructure became the Zone Á Défendre, the zone to defend, and where the slogan «Against the airport and its world» really started to flourish.
[TV news presenter (speaking French)]
For their part, the authorities insist that the project is on track, backed by sufficient numbers of police, without giving a number.
[A woman speaking]
Police pressure won’t stop the resistance.
[A man speaking]
They’ll have to come and evict us. But we won’t let them.
We won’t let them, we’re not ready to leave.
[Isa speaking]
Obviously, this kind of occupation was not seen very positively by the authorities.
And in 2012, there was a military operation called «Operation Caesar» that came to try and evict the squatters.
After 40,000 people rebuilt the hamlet in one weekend and after the cops tried again to destroy that hamlet, the conflict really peaked.
Because when 40,000 people turn up to build something, they’re not gonna let it be destroyed without fighting.
And the resistance was so fierce, the cops withdrew for more than six years.
And so it really became a laboratory where people could really see what it’s like to live together and to build the commons without cops, without planning permissions, and with all the difficulties that it brings about to try to do this.
In 2016 all the legal procedures that we were still fighting the project got to term, and they all were lost.
The struggle has actually lost 178 legal procedures.
It still won the war.
And so in 2016, 40,000 people came and brought a walking stick and planted it in the land of Notre Dame des Londes, making a pledge that they would come back to pick up that stick if the authorities came back to build the airport.
And so this kind of incredible mobilization led to January 2018, where the government announced that the airport would not be built, because it was not possible.
And announced in the same breath that those who were here illegally IE, all those who had come on the invitation of local people, would have to leave or be evicted.
And so there was another wave of very violent evictions in April 2018.
We were kind of forced into legalization, which created very, very intense debate and conflicts.
A lot of people left the ZAD at that point.
But today, about 180 people are still living here.
[Text overlaid on video]
The experience at Notre Dame des Landes has led to over a dozen other land occupations across France and in neighboring countries, stopping mines and other ecocidal projects.
Some of these other ZAD have also been able to resist the State strategy of forced legalization, and to organize without hidden vanguards.
[Neto Onirê Sankara speaking]
Hi.
I’m Neto Onirê Sankara, MST militant, a farmer in a popular settlement called Claudemiro Dias Lima in the city of Jitaúna.
This farm was occupied in 2007.
It was abandoned for ten years, then we occupied it.
[Text overlaid on video]
MST is the Landless Workers’ Movement in so-called Brazil.
It is known for occupying unproductive farms, both as direct action and to pressure the State into carrying out land reform.
It is a promoter of agroecology, and has also carried out attacks on corporations to halt the production of GM crops.
The Claudemiro Dias Lima settlement, like other MST occupations, is part of Teia dos Povos (Web of The Peoples), a network of quilombolas, indigenous communities, the landless, the homeless and smal farmers fighting for food sovereignty and popular autonomy.
[Neto Onirê Sankara speaking]
Our work today is focused on reforesting the Contas riverbanks, and fighting the use of synthetic pesticides.
and planting forests, will help to mitigate, even if locally, the effects of climate change.
Today, the top priority struggle is to turn the struggle for land into the struggle for the Earth.
The struggle for the Earth is the struggle to guarantee the conditions for life on the planet for this period.
So, the conditions to grow healthy food, to feed the city, to guarantee food sovereignty.
And at the same time restoring the native forest that was destroyed.
And all of this has the common good as a horizon.
So that we can dream of a future.
Especially in today’s scenario of environmental catastrophe, in which farming is becoming more and more difficult.
Climate change will starve to death many families in the city.
We need to start from where we’re standing and from a reality that we recognize.
Only then is it possible to intervene.
I, as a Black man who lives in the countryside, and fights for land, am not in a position to propose solutions for the fight in the city.
What I can do is propose my own experience from what I do.
But only those in the city are able to understand if that is actually valid there.
The struggle that we’re inciting, is necessary for the whole society.
Both those who need a place to live, and those who are in the city and need to buy food.
Without land reform, without this process of redistributing the land to grow food, that food becomes a commodity.
And the price of this commodity will be set by the market.
However, the State doesn’t want that to happen because the State is our greatest enemy.
It is an apparatus that represents the interests of the agrarian bourgeoisie.
Guaranteeing the right to use the land as a commodity and to not grow food.
The rationale for the occupation of the land goes beyond producing food, to block the destruction of the conditions for life on this planet.
It is naive to think that your territory, your private paradise, has the capacity to guarantee a broader process.
We can only contribute to this process by being an inspiration.
To show that despite the calamity around us, it is still possible to have hope, because there are people doing something.
Do not give in to the temptation to say «Well, I can live well in my paradise while the world is ending».
It would be very comfortable to live in paradise while the world is being destroyed.
But once the world has gone away…
there won’t be a paradise on the next day.
But if we manage to gather more territories if we manage to inspire the youth, if we manage to take land, to fight for land, to mobilize more people, then yes.
Then it is possible to claim that life is the most important heritage.
that we are doing something that allows us to consider a sovereign future, of a future where life is the most important thing, and it is cared for as a common good.
[Sleydo speaking]
I think that it’s really important to set precedents, not only as Indigenous people, but as communities that are fighting the climate crisis and who are fighting to protect critical ecosystems and water systems.
[Isa speaking]
There is the need to defend life, to not let these ecocidal infrastructure projects take root.
[Sleydo speaking]
You know, this isn’t just an Indigenous issue.
Everybody is affected by it.
Everybody has a responsibility for their own lives, the lives of all of their future generations, to put an end to this path that we’re on to climate devastation.
[Neto Onirê Sankara speaking]
Our time brings an important challenge: acknowledging the urgency of acting, We need to understand that it is a slow process.
We live in a time of fast information.
Information that flows at a high speed but without depth.
The smartphone screen is a fraction of reality.
And it is very shallow.
[Sleydo speaking]
We need to act collectively, not only as Indigenous people, but as humanity, as life on Earth.
[Isa speaking]
To really build what we call here a composition, IE how do you actually try to fight together without expecting, without demanding the other to become like you.
[Sleydo speaking]
We need to show them that we are all going to work together for our shared goals and our shared vision.
And basically we’re going to fight for our lives because that’s what we’re doing.
And so I think that it’s really important to have a diversity of tactics, to understand really clearly what the state repression is going to be like and to expect it and to have long-term goals.
[Neto Onirê Sankara speaking]
A beautiful Pau Brasil tree is at least 20 years old.
It seems to me that people have lost the notion of time.
And they have also lost the understanding that in order to achieve something and to be able to enjoy it requires work, requires effort, requires discipline, requires commitment.
[Sleydo speaking]
This is a generational fight.
So we need to start being more strategic around how we’re going to be preventative, how we’re going to occupy territories, how we’re going to protect certain tracts of land and water and how we’re going to act for a collective vision of what we want this world to look like.
[Neto Onirê Sankara speaking]
And for those planning to build spaces of struggle in the city or in the countryside, look at your territory honestly.
Without the romanticism that it’s all nice and perfect, and without the defeatism that everything is lost.
But look at it how it is.
Always ask yourself: «What can I do in this territory?» Don’t project the experience or desires that you see in other territories.
Our horizon is the common good.
[Sleydo speaking]
Even though the pipeline has gone through in Wet’suwet’en territory, I see so many successes in the struggle that we’ve been able to achieve.
[Isa speaking]
The capacity to remain standing and to build this kind of solidarity, I think is what really gives hope to people that it’s worth fighting, that it is not a time to give up and that we can achieve victories, however messy, however imperfect, however partial they might be.
[Sleydo speaking]
And so it’s really important for us to learn from these struggles.
It’s important for us to continue to struggle, to keep putting one foot in front of the other, because we’re doing this not only for ourselves but for everybody who relies on our water, everybody who relies on, you know, clean air.
[Neto Onirê Sankara speaking]
Today we live in this urgency, because the end of the world is coming, and maybe we don’t realize that when you don’t organize yourself to do things together with other people, to articulate processes, to have discipline and commitment with a path that is arduous, that is also pleasurable, because it transforms you, you have no right to claim a future.
[Isa speaking]
One of the dimensions that gave true meaning to the struggle was the fact that it embodied the capacity to say no and to say yes at the same time, to say we will not accept, we will fight this airport project and we’ll do it through being here and inventing new ways of inhabiting this territory.
[Sleydo speaking]
For us, it was really critical to struggle against Coastal GasLink because it is setting a precedent in our area and in the world about who has jurisdiction and the kinds of things that we want to protect for the future generations.
[Isa speaking]
This capacity to resist and to build in the same gesture, really is the DNA of any kind of struggle that is deep and meaningful.
[Sleydo speaking]
And so I encourage people to take up that responsibility because if we don’t, then we won’t have anything to say to our future generations when they are left with nothing.
[Voiceover]
When we shut down airports to stop one of the industries most responsible for egregious pollution, we also learn how to push back against the brutal force of a militarized police, to care for the land, to feed ourselves in a sustainable way.
When we stop oil pipelines, we remember that the basis of this current society is invasion, theft, and genocide, and we remember that there are healthier ways of living.
When we reach out to build networks of liberated spaces, we realize we don’t need the homogeneity of a party.
Each one of us can build towards our own best future, based on our needs our conditions and our dreams.
When our networks keep growing and growing and the only limitation is repression or the colonial behaviors we still need to unlearn, we can see that decentralized doesn’t mean smaller.
A decentralized network can bring together a million unique nodes, each one autonomous, each one created at a scale in which our participation is meaningful, each one born from a respectful relationship with the specific territory that gives us life, with the histories we all carry with us.
No state in history has been able to do that.
Every state in history has an underclass, a sacrifice zone, a large mass of subjects who have to go along with the plans drafted by experts who supposedly understand our lives better than we do.
The revolution is already here.
Through it, we can win much better chances for survival, a more meaningful present, and a more beautiful future than the current system could ever offer us.
The next question: how do we make it our own?
[Text overlaid on video]
Next: Reclaiming the world, wherever we stand
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